“I have worked for the president’s office for about 4 years, after I quitted my academic career. In this decision I was driven by the desire to apply all my knowledge and skills to build a Ukrainian state and implement the democratic ideals of the 2004 revolution.
As Ukraine’s destiny is at stake now, I cannot accept the cynicism and immorality of politicians, seeing how our president’s declarations are at odds with his actual deeds.
Specifically, as a civil servant, I cannot accept the ruinous policy pursued by the president in his attempts to discredit the cabinet.
The president is deliberately blocking the cabinet’s decisions, playing branches of power off against each other, vetoing crucial legislation, notably, changes to the budget that would bolster up local governments, the anti money-laundering law, the laws to increase spending on healthcare etc.
On the other hand, the president has backed the laws proposed by the opposition aimed at destabilizing Ukraine’s financial system, for instance, the law on higher salaries and pensions. All this is proof that Yushchenko puts toppling his major opponent [Yulia Tymoshenko] above the interests of Ukraine.
Another example of Yushchenko’s anti-constitutional activities is his manipulation of the Central bank, including uncontrolled multi-billion sums given to bail-out commercial banks, shady deals to play with the hryvnia exchange rates, and, finally, exerting pressure on the Central bank to cut funding for the whole country at the end of 2009.
Yushchenko’s attempts to destabilize the situation in Ukraine and his tooth-and-nail fight with his political rival have turned Yushchenko into Ukraine’s bitter enemy.
Against this backdrop, I would like to comment here on the relationship between Yushchenko and Yanukovych.
The relationship was formed late 2005 and continued, on-and-off, till present.
A new stage of their rapprochement which began in September 2009 has turned into a close cooperation.
Such Regions heavyweights as Mykola Azarov, Oleksandr Lavrynovych, Serhy Liovochkin are frequent visitors at the president’s office while personal meetings between Yushchenko and Yanukovych are regular.
The last straw that made me resign from Yushchenko’s office was the confidential “Agreement on Political Reconciliation and the Development of Ukraine” between Yushchenko and Yanukovych which details common strategy for the elections and afterwards.
Under the disguise of restoring the divide between Ukraine’s eastern and western regions, the authors of the agreement have engaged in political corruption by safeguarding their positions in power after the presidential election. Thus, in paragraph 2 of the Agreement they “undertake a commitment not to criticize each other in the course of the campaign and use all possible means to support Viktor Yanukovych in the runoff election.”
The parties of the Agreement will ensure the nomination of Viktor Yushchenko for premier and a positive approval vote by Verkhovna Rada, the agreement runs.
In my view, Viktor Yushchenko is more interested in the agreement than Viktor Yanukovych.
Both politicians have agreed on the line-up of the executive after the 2010 election.
Yanukovych, if elected, will not dismiss SBU head Valentyn Nalyvajchenko, NSDC head Rayisa Bohatyryova. He will nominate Arseny Yatseniuk for foreign minister, Anatoly Shapoval for Central bank governor. Yushchenko will also keep his oblast governors in Kyiv (Vira Ulyanchenko), Ivano-Frankivsk (Mykola Palijchuk), Ternopil (Yury Chyzmar), Poltava (Valery Asadchev) and Kherson (Borys Sylenkov) – in line with paragraph 5 of the Agreement.
The Agreement ensures posts in the cabinet to Yushchenko’s insiders Ivan Vasiunyk, Ihor Tarasiuk, Yury Pavlenko and Yury Melnyk.
As a person who believes in democratic values, I could not accept what was going on in the president’s office. That is why I resigned. It was a tough decision to make, but there are things that are above one’s personal interests and safety.”